Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality

by Eric J. Hobsbawm

Book Overview

An update to the classic text, perfect for those interested in global politics and nationalism Nations and Nationalism since 1780 is Eric Hobsbawm's widely acclaimed and highly readable inquiry into... This description may be from another edition of this product.

• Format: Paperback
• Language: English
• ISBN: 0521439612
• ISBN13: 9780521439619
• Release Date: October 1992
• Publisher: Cambridge University Press
• Length: 214 Pages
• Weight: 0.60 lbs.
• Dimensions: 0.5" x 5.5" x 8.5"

Customer Reviews

The red menace?

I am quite surprise with some reviewers and their obssesion with Marxism. Let me remind you that Berlin Wall has fallen down.The idological preferences of the author are well known, in fact after 1989 he is one of the few who still describes himself as a Communist. You can be agree with him or not, but what Hobsbawn does in this book is a very good analylis of Nationalism. From a marxist point of view? right. Is an option. But the point is, does this book make think about the subject? Absolutely. Was the idea of Nationalism a product of the French revolution?. True. Was it used by the new Burgeois governments to seize power? Yes. I am very tired of the idea that an historian must be absolutely neutral. That is not true. When you prefer Middle ages to Ancient history you are making a choice. An historian cannot be like the Caesar's wife. It is not his job. His job is to create an opinion, and to provoke a discussion.Nationalism in Europe has been a main source of troubles in Europe since 1918. And its new revival in the 80's shows that it has not been solved. I think it is quite an anachronism specially when we are trying to build up the European Union. If really we are living in a global world I think thi sidelogy must die, like many others before it.

Suberb, arguably Hobsbawm's best single book.

"...no serious historian of nations and nationalism can be a committed political nationalist...Nationalism required too much belief in what is patently not so. As Renan said: `Getting its history wrong is part of being a nation.' This bold and principled comment, which is duly qualified in the ellipsis I left out, is near the beginning of one of the most liberating books on modern nationalism. This is a vital book which puts nationalism into its historical context, and it reminds us of the vital truth that Yugoslavia and Rwanda were not doomed by something called "irreconcilable ethnic strife," to fall into the hell that the First World has done its part to condemn them to."The basic characteristic of the nation and everything with it is its modernity." Even the very vocabulary of nationality is relatively new. Especially invaluable is Hobsbawm's chapter on popular proto-nationalism as he discusses all the elements that supposedly "cause" nationalism and finds them all insufficient. Many Central and Eastern European peasants did not view themselves so much as members of particular nationalities but as peasants. The term "Estonian" for instance only came into use in the 1860s. Languages appear stronger, yet dialects were so common up until the late nineteenth century that only half of the French in 1789 spoke the language, while only 2.5% of pre-unification Italy spoke what is now Italian. Nationalists often had to write their own grammars and dictionaries, and in the process the various Yugoslav groups turned three major dialects into the language we now know as Serbo-Croat. And where "there are no other languages within earshot, one's own idiom is not so much a group criterion as something that all people have, like legs." Ethnicity is not an undisputed concept: some of the most clearly defined ethnic groups are those like the Scots highlanders, or the Berbers or Afghan Pushtus who are hostile to any state. Many of the greatest fighters for Greek independence were Albanians, while Hungary's greatest 19th century poet, Petofi, was in fact a Slovak. Religion has its own ironies: many of the leaders of the Arab independence movement were Copts, Maronites and other Christians. Religions try to be universal so often they will separate Lithuanians from Russians, but not from Poles. The Catholic Church was the only all-Italian institution in 1859, but Italian nationalism had to make its way without it. Many pre-modern revolts against foreign invaders are less nationalistic than social and religious. When the citizens of Berlin offered to defend that city, Frederick the Great told them to mind their own business and let professionals handle the job. Hobsbawm goes on to discuss how the modern state in the nineteenth century had its own reasons to encourage patriotism and national consciousness. He discusses how nationalist movements in Georgia, Armenia and Finland were dominated by socialists. "What would the future of Hebrew have b

Nationalism as progams and policies

Hobsbawm is a masterful historian, with the chops and interests to take on a variety of important topics. This book is his contribution to the Birth-of-Nationalism literature. Nationalism is often associated with questions of personal commitments or identity politics. This aspect of consciousness, however, is easy to assume, but more difficult to demonstrate, and even harder to historicize. As a result Hobsbawm begs off this question some, and turns his attention instead to the ways that governments (states in search of nations) and national elites (nations in search of states) have invoked or pursued the concept of nation. This work is particularly useful and importnat for its attention to language and education as technologies of nation building. Those who confuse a critical perspective with bias, or cannot overcome their own Marxiphobia, may want to stick to tamer works. For the rest of us, Hobsbawm has provided a readable and compelling exploration. While it has its limits, this is a valuable and important work.

A great book

I rather enjoyed this book. It was heavily referenced and insightful. The thesis is quite logical, and he backs up his assertion with more than enough evidence. It is also an interesting look at semiotics. I highly recommend this book.

Hobsbawm At His Best - Once Again!

Hobsbawm's 'Nations and Nationalism' reveals once again the author's genius. Splendidly written, it is, first of all, a pleasure to read. With a wide range of examples, the British historian shows a truly cosmopolitan view of a rather narrow-minded phenomenon. Much more importantly, however, he unveils one of the great myths of populist rhetoric: that nations have always existed. Not only are they fairly recent developments, argues Hobsbawm, but their conceptions have changed significantly over the last 200 years or so. From time to time, the author may be a little bit too idealistic in his judgments. But over all, 'Nations and Nationalism Since 1780' is an extremely valuable book. Read it as an introduction, or read it as polemic: both ways, you will most probably enjoy it!