The Legislative Process in Oklahoma: Policy Making, People, & Politics

by Samuel A. Kirkpatrick

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• Format: Hardcover
• Language: English
• ISBN: 0806114215
• ISBN13: 9780806114217
• Release Date: January 1978
• Publisher: University of Oklahoma Press
• Length: 301 Pages

Customer Reviews

Insights into Historic Oklahoma Legislature

The author notes most of the public knows little about the state legislative process. Meanwhile, legislators have dual roles in representing their public constituency while also making laws for the entire state. There is no set way for how legislators balance these sometimes competing responsibilities. In Oklahoma (circa 1978), any legislation could be petitioned to be brought to a popular vote, except for bills with emergency clauses. Legislators could also opt to place a proposal for a popular vote. Legislators have powers to confirm executive branch appointees, oversee the executive branch, and how the power of impeachment. These powers, or just the ability of exercising these actions, help keep the executive branch from drawing legislative questioning and responding. The Oklahoma Constitution requires each bill be limited to one subject, be funded, be uniform, and that revenue bills must begin in the House (although they could be amended by the Senate, nor could they be passed on any of a session's last five days, unless it concerns a revenue bill that the Governor pocket vetoed). The Oklahoma House had 109 members upon statehood in 1907, then had 92 members in 1921, 123 in 1953, and 101 in 1971. The Senate began with 44 members and changed to 48 in 1965. Legislators tend to be more upper class with fewer females and racial minorities than found in the general population. A majority of Oklahoma occupations are found in less than 10% of legislators. Oklahoma legislators from the 1963-64 through 1975-76 session who were born in Oklahoma ranged from 67% in the House one session to 84% in the Senate another session. When the courts required "one person, one vote", the Democratic majority of Oklahoma legislators redistricted by forcing Republican incumbents to run against each other and avoiding having Democratic incumbents from running against each other. The author observed that legislators approaches their legislative roles in different fashions. Some were strict rule followers, some innovators, some brokers who sought compromises, some were delegates representing their constituents, some trustees who voted their conscious, and some who followed political roles and operated to advance their political party. On issues, some legislators are facilitators, some resisters, and some neutral. A five state study concluded Oklahoma legislators tended to be more ritualistic and had fewer brokers than was observed in the other four states. A study found in 1971, the turnover rate nationwide among State Senators was 24.6% and among State House members was 32.3%. The frequency of reelections (usually every two to four years) and low pay were factors in why some left. Longer sessions did not seem to influence members leaving, suggesting that legislators were more apt to stay on even if sessions were longer if they felt they were accomplishing things with the longer sessions, which indicates more legislators enjoyed legislative work. Th