Imperialsim then and now, in many ways little has changed
Published by Thriftbooks.com User , 18 years ago
When a powerful country invades another with the express intention of changing their culture or system of government, there are several things that can happen. The invasion can be military, economic or various combinations of both. In the first case, the invaded country can mount armed resistance until the invaders eventually leave. For the second case, a small percentage of the natives can adopt the ways of the invaders and become the ruling class while the majority simply continues their lives. In the third case the invaded country can assimilate the ways of the invaders into their culture, becoming a synthesis. All three cases have happened in response to the policy that we now know as imperialism. In the century since this book was written, imperialism has become somewhat of a derogatory term, so it is avoided when describing modern actions. The strategy advocated by the American group known as neo-cons is a modified version of what the European countries did a century ago under the banner of imperialism. Their policy is that the United States invades a Middle Eastern country and imposes a local democratic government. The country then becomes a powerful role model for others in the region and they also adopt a democratic government. Once democracy becomes the norm, the countries will be transformed into modern states that are friendly to the west. Those who adhere to that thought should have read this book first. Hobson is very non-judgmental about the motives of people who advocated imperialism, but he is not restricted in his conclusions regarding the results. When the powerful states carved up Africa and Asia between them, imperialism was touted as an effective way to change the world for the better. Many of the best minds in the west supported imperialism as an effective way to increase the standards of living of the subjugated peoples. It was also considered as a way to provide outlets for the excess population and energy of the subjugators. However, in only a few cases were the results anywhere close to what was intended. One hundred years later, Africa still foments with tribal conflicts, with democracy a hypothetical rather than a reality. Hobson also demonstrates a great deal of insight into what the future could bring. His statement on page 313, " . . . the pressure of working-class movements in politics and industry in the West can be met by a flood of Chinese goods . . . " On page 317 he also mentions the possibility of Japan embarking on an Asian version of Manifest Destiny and adopting an imperialist policy in Asia. In some sense he predicted the rise of the Empire of Japan and the current situation with the Peoples Republic of China rising to the status of a great economic power. Although he occasionally adopts the terminology and arrogance of European cultural supremacy over "the natives", Hobson has written a well-balanced treatise on how imperialism was viewed and justified at the time it was the global norm. His stat
Urgent, Prescient, Timely and Fascinating
Published by Thriftbooks.com User , 21 years ago
The word "imperialism" today has become worn from misuse. Many of us have come to expect the word to signify that the speaker is a radical Marxist, or perhaps an embittered citizen of a defunct imperial power. Unfortunate indeed, because discussion of imperialism as a type of foreign policy decision has thereby been squelched. But in 1902, when Hobson wrote Imperialism, it was not yet a term of odium. Imperialism was a foreign policy strategy advocated as a benefit to the colonial power and to the subjugated nation alike; one advocate referred to it as "...the greatest secular agency for good known to the world," and some of the greatest minds of the day--John Stuart Mill, John Ruskin, William Gladstone, Joseph Chamberlain and Alfred Milner--were "social imperialists," partisans of a mission to bring liberal institutions to the rest of the world, and create markets for British manufactured goods. More common by far were advocates of imperialism as an alternative to redistributive socialist policies, as an outlet for surplus population (Britain was widely regarded as being overpopulated), and as a backyard for flagship companies. Hobson was addressing these arguments without acrimony, and without assuming a radical agenda his readers were unlikely to share. The fact that self-described socialists and lassez-faire dogmatics alike, in 1902, regarded "imperialism" as a means to their rival ends, shows that this was not merely a right-left debate, and Hobson attacks the idea of solving the problems of capitalist societies by making war on other nations. His analysis of imperialism and its allure for the industrialized world makes this one of the most revealing books on 19th century history. The effects of imperialism on the rest of the human race are spelled out with precision and clarity, as is his nuanced analysis of why it is doomed to fail. Hobson's forecasts of the future of imperialism is astonishingly prescient, especially his passage on China. Hobson was a pioneer of the underconsumptionist theories, theories later advanced by Keynes, Samuelson, and Tobin. Underconsumption presupposes that mature economies are unlikely to be be able to consume all that they produce; as a result, more capital accumulates, the marginal return on that capital declines, and stagnation sets in. But while Hobson was a seminal mind in economics, this is not an economics book--it is overwhelmingly a historical survey of ideologies, propaganda and the harsh reality, a disciplined yet creatively assembled explanation of how the needs of industrial Britain were so woefully met by imperial dogma. With the terrifying triumph of neo conservative ideology in our era, it is an extremely relevant book for contemporary citizens of America, and of the world.
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