Blood and Oil: The Dangers and Consequences of America's Growing Dependency on Imported Petroleum

by Michael T. Klare

Book Overview

In his pathbreaking Resource Wars, world security expert Michael Klare alerted us to the role of resources in conflicts in the post-cold-war world. Now, in Blood and Oil, he concentrates on a single precious commodity, petroleum, while issuing a warning to the United States--its most powerful, and most dependent, global consumer.

Since September 11 and the commencement of the "war on terror," the world's attention has been...

• Format: Paperback
• Language: English
• ISBN: 0805079386
• ISBN13: 9780805079388
• Release Date: August 2005
• Publisher: St. Martins Press-3PL
• Length: 304 Pages
• Weight: 0.63 lbs.
• Dimensions: 0.8" x 5.7" x 8.2"

Customer Reviews

Blood and Oil; that says it all

Samuel P. Huntington's influential 1993 Foreign Affairs article, "A Clash of Civilization?" claimed that the current conflicts and tensions between Arab states and the rest of the world were due to cultural differences; that ethnic, religious, clan and tribal ideologies inherently clashed with the West. But as Klare has come to conclude, the conflicts arise not out of simple cultural conflicts, but out of resources: oil. Klare agrees that such conflicts as Bosnia, Kashmir, and Chechnya bear out Huntinton's theory, but many other minor or less deadly conflicts negate that theory. Klare points out that America's partnership with such uncompromisingly Muslim states such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates in the 1991 war with Iraq seem to point to another cause. If this were simply about cultural differences, how is it that the West is able to create alliances with certain Arab states that are most definitely in direct opposition to US culture? Klare comes to the conclusion that the current Arab conflicts are based on oil for a number of reasons, but primarily because oil is a resource that is vital to US strength, and therefore vital for the US to secure at all costs. The equation is simple: no oil, no US. Klare notes that war over oil, a scarce resource, is plausible because of other numerous wars in which scarce or highly-prized resources were desired: Angola and Sierra Leone - control of the diamond fields; the Congo - gold and copper; in Borneo and Cambodia - timber. All of these wars were over the claim of natural resources valuable to the various countries involved. So are we any different? Klare connects the obvious dots that illuminate US intervention in the middle-east (and around the world) is simply security of oil. The exportation of democracy may be a welcome byproduct or tool for securing oil, but oil is the beginning and end of many of these conflicts as Klare points out. The next hotbed of hostility, says Klare, is the Caspian Sea basin. This area is said to have untold reserves of both oil and natural gas (see "Crude Politics" review for more details on the quest for oil in the Caspian Sea basin: http://www.debatepoint.org/crude.htm). The problem the US will now face is three-fold, says Klare: Islamic separatists in surrounding areas (Georgia, Chechnya, etc) will provide more of the same problems faced in other Middle Eastern counties; Russia's equal interest in the rich oil supplies; and China's growing need for oil. The Islamic separatists are an obvious problem that the US will be mired in for certain. As for Russia, the US relations with Putin have been very hostile surrounding pre and post 9/11 issues, says Klare. And China is in desperate need to secure oil to its booming economy. Basically, three world powers all vying for the same oil-rich country cannot yield a peaceful result. Throw in the Islamicists, and you have a situation far worse than anything we have currently seen in previous Middle-Eastern conflicts,

The Great Game Redux

This book is a valuable contribution. The book asserts that competition for petroleum has replaced ideology as a major source for international conflict. The book evokes a feeling that Thomas Malthus, who was a pessimistic philosopher and writer on population in Victorian England, is a more reliable guide to present times than Karl Marx, Von Hayek or Francis Fukuyama. I am sure you will have the same feeling than you put down this book. The Great Game is back with the vengeance. The world stage has been set for Malthusian wars of scarcity. But the scarce resource is no longer food, but fossil fuel, commonly known as oil. The book surpasses in insight numerable writings by so-called geo-politicians in explaining the present conflict. As a Russia's casual observer, I can tell you that it is a better guide for understanding interaction between Russia and US than writings of Zbignew Brzezinski, who writes from an outdated ideological point of view, thus clouding the issues. To my view, the era of ideology ended with Soviet Union voluntarily dismantling its empire in 1991. Many other authors try to introduce a crude racial point of view. `Expansionism is in the Russian DNA' (George Will, a US commentator). This is, of course, nonsense. The key aspects of this new Great Game are 1) control and access to world oil routs, and 2) which power will dominate the Caspian basin region, the new oil Mecca. Even before the celebrated Cheney energy report was published in May 2001, underscoring the importance of the Caspian as an alternative to Persian Gulf, the Clinton administration blessed in 1999 plans for creation of BTC pipeline, going from Baku to Tbilisi to Ceyhan, thus surpassing Russia. Although Russians immediately realized that they are being elbowed out, it took a few years to cement the Russian point of view that the US is trying to supplant Russia as a dominant power in the Caspian basin, Russia's historic domain. The consequent events in Georgia, from Russian point of view, confirmed it. The US has established an unofficial military base there. The new Georgian leader, a Columbia-educated lawyer, came to power (as the Russians see it) with American help and lavish monetary contribution. The only difference in what some see as unavoidable US expansion in the region is ambitions of the new power - China. China's growing thirst for petroleum makes the American position difficult, almost untenable. More, China and Russia are uniting to counteract US presence, particularly in the Caspian basin by courting Kazakhstan. Current US involvement in Ukraine will, in my view, push Russia further into China's embrace. The Chinese leaders understand that most of the world flow of oil is now guaranteed not by OPEC or 'world market' but by US military. That, in addition to growing presence of US bases in Central Asia, makes the Chinese very uneasy. China and Russia are now also indirectly challenging US in Persian Gulf (which has become virtually an American p

Good factual support and fairly objective

The twenty-year oil trend suggests consumption increases and oil production decreases. The answer to the scarcity problem is foreign investment for technology upgrades in the Middle East increasing oil output to meet demand. Iran, Iraq, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia will need to double output from 22.4 to 45.2 million barrels per day by 2025 to satisfy demand. Between 2000-2020 U.S domestic production will decline by 18 percent, from 8.5 to 7 million barrels per day while imports will increase from 11 to 18.5 million barrels representing a 68% import of oil and consumption will grow by 31% between 2000-2020. Petroleum will continue to play a critical role in the U.S economy. The Nation Energy Policy will not deviate from its dependency on Middle East oil. Diversification will be limited because of political disruption and conflict: Mexico's constitution bans foreign investments in oil, Venezuela president Hugo Chavez opposes deeper American involvement, and Columbia is in a civil war; all and all, limiting oil export capability. President Bush goal has been too promote foreign investment as a core element with engagement with major oil producers. The trend is against oil conservatism and more towards objectives gaining access for more accessible oil reserves. The government will continue to maintain close ties with private oil industry: Chevron and Exxon Mobil. Oil industry lavishly provided contributions to the Republican Party to protect oil interests. The cold war provided opportunity for U.S dominance in the Gulf region. The main objective has been to protect the strait of Horumuz and gain control of Middle East. A long history of U.S military intervention has provided security for Saudi Arabia against its enemies. Currently, Saudi is the most prized jewel of the Middle East and U.S dominance equates superiority through military strength and preserves control of the flow of oil. After 9/11 the Bush administration devised a strategy for dominance in the Persian Gulf. First, military intervention was required by abandoning bases in Saudi and invading Iraq to remove Saadam's regime. Second, opening regimes friendly to foreign investment. And third, increasing government involvement to boost Persian Gulf exports. Wars in Iraq has had the net effect of reducing oil production too 2.5 million barrels per day from a high of 6 million barrels before the war. Iraq's know reserve surpasses 112.5 billion barrels with more potential oil to discoverable; Iran's known reserve totals 89.7 billion barrels; and Saudi's know reserve exceeding 265 billion barrels. Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and United Emirates have 658 billion barrels of know reserve and represent 63% of the known reserve. By 2025, Middle Eastern oil production will reach 47.9 million barrels per day. Dependency on Gulf producers means there will be no end to reliance on Middle Eastern oil. Middle eastern oil will remain central on American foreign policy objec

Informative And Well Documented

This book, by Michael Klare, goes into much detail explaining how conservative leaders and think tanks have not only led us into a disastrous war in Iraq, but in addition have set the United States on a course to actually import more and more oil from unstable and despotic foreign countries in the future. Before the latest Iraqi war I did'nt believe the war was about oil, perhaps it was a side issue, but Klare goes into much detail here, illustrating the fact the war is primarily about securing a large and continuous oil supply for the United States. It is true, as Klare points out, that Presidents since FDR have placed a high value on Middle East oil, but the Bush administration has taken intervention to a new and dangerously high level. Several documents are referred to by Klare, one very important one was by the National Energy Policy Development Group, in 2001, headed by none other than Dick Cheney. This group gives full support to the use of the military of the United States to secure foreign oil sources, only giving lip service to alternate energy development, and almost nothing to conservation measures including raising CAFE standards. I have to say that I find this amazingly short sighted. Now that President Bush and his 'advisors' have gotten us into an endless resource war in Iraq it is evident to any thinking person that we are in a mess with nearly no end. In addition, our military, in their 'precision' strikes, have, as of 10-04, killed an estimated 21,500 Iraqi civilians, to me this is atrocious and another reason the terrorists have been able to easily recruit people. Klare goes into detail how we join forces with despotic regimes around the world in search of additional supplies of oil, and this includes the House Of Saud. As a result of this, Klare points out, and with the stationing of U.S. troops on sacred Middle Eastern soil, we have invited the fury and hate of many, many Arabs, this cannot but end badly. Klare states that this policy of using the military to rely more and more on foreign supplies of oil may lead to price shocks, supply interruptions, and in a worst case blackmail. And of course an unending stream of terrorist attacks against U.S. interests all over the world. I found the last chapter of this book to be the most interesting, however. Here, Klare presents a somewhat detailed outline of what we can do to reduce our dependence on foreign oil. Of course, conservation plays a big role, including raising the Cafe standards for cars and light trucks, and eventually for heavy trucks as well. Alternate energy sources must be developed. And we should, in the future, refrain, Klare points out, in supporting corrupt regimes around the world just for the sake of their oil, this alone will give us much more credibility in the world. We have squandered hundreds of billions of dollars in useless and counter-productive military adventures, Klare gives us ideas of how we can do better. This book is largely about the geo-po

Absolutely Extraordinary: Cheap Oil Equals Lots of Bloodshed

Edit of 20 Dec 07 to add links. I have heard this author speak to groups of international intelligence professionals, and they take him very seriously, as do I. In many ways, his books complements the one by Thomas Barnett, The Pentagon's New Map: War and Peace in the Twenty-first Century except that whereas Barnett says that the military must go to war to make unstable areas safe for America, Klare points out that a) we don't have enough guns or blood to stabilize a world that we antagonize every time we deploy into an "occupation" mode, and b) cheap oil is going to be very very expensive in terms of American blood on the floor. Although I have reviewed many books about both the problems within America and its policies, as well as books optimistic about the future of America and the world, I give credit to Klare and this book for finally forcing me to realize that our federal budget and federal policies, in relation to protecting America, are "inside out and upside down." There is, and Klare documents this beautifully in relation to petroleum, a very pathological cycle that could be easily stopped. We insist on cheap oil, this leads to bloodshed and high oil prices; this comes back to lower quality of life for the workers, etc. As Klare points out, the pipelines (and I would add the pipe to ship portals) cannot be protected. American policy makers are deceiving the public when they suggest they can stabilize the Middle East and protect cheap oil. Not only can the pipelines not be protected, but on America's current consumption path, according to Klare, the Gulf States would have to DOUBLE production to keep up with American demand. Klare is also intellectually powerful in painting a future picture when China, Russia, and Europe are in armed competition with the USA for energy from Central Asia, Latin America, under the Spratley Islands, etcetera. As I read Klare's book, I was just shaking my head. Our policies on energy are delusional and destructive, and Klare is among the few that is providing an objective report to the public on this reality. Klare is actually kind to the current Administration (Bush-Cheney), pointing out that they are no more or less corrupt than previous administrations going back to World War II. Cheap oil has become a mantra, and military power has become the unquestioned means of achieving that--along with supporting 44 dictators, genocide, state-sponsored terrorism (as long as we like them and we get the Jewish vote to boot). I especially liked Klare's observation that cheap oil for the US is a major contributor to unemployment and destabilization within Arabia. Buying oil from Saudi Arabia subsidizes terrorism. Buying cheap oil from Saudi Arabia increases the number of unemployed who might be inspired to become terrorism. Hmmmm... At what real cost shall we continue to demand cheap oil? Klare is also very effective in objectively criticizing the manner in which the US Administrations have integrated